6.16 Participatory appraisal and planning
See option 1.4.16, Volume 1
16a. Creating the desire for change by viewing past and future
Madagascar
The Terre Tany Project in Beforona was concerned with moderating the practice of slash-and-burn rice cultivation (tavy) in Madagascar. To educate the local community about the impacts of this practice, the project team gathered local people, discussed with them the story of their village and asked them to draw four maps of the area.
In the first map, people showed how their village and surrounding landscape looked about 20 years ago. In the second map, they drew the current situation in their village and surroundings. The project staff then asked them to identify the differences between these two maps and the causes of those differences. They all agreed that the forest had diminished in size and that the main cause was slash-and-burn cultivation practices.
The project staff then asked them to draw a third map, imagining how their environment would appear in 20 years if nothing was done to halt the disappearance of the forest. In the fourth map the people imagined what the village and surrounds would be like in 15-20 years if the conservation initiative was implemented. This map provided the basis for a participatory planning exercise.
16b. Students foster community planning
Uganda
After many years of civil war and raiding by hostile tribes, peace finally returned to the Pallisa district in 1989, and with it the chance for the local Iteso people to rebuild their shattered lives. In the village of Kapuwai, the people organized themselves into a group which they called the Pallisa Community Development Trust (PACODET). The core of PACODET was a group of local students who decided to use their knowledge to improve the community's standard of living. They were supported by some individuals and a small grant from the European Development Fund (EDF). As their ability to make improvements was demonstrated, they were joined by other villagers. Activities were funded by an annual subscription fee and funds quickly began to accumulate. Initially the group focused on primary health care projects dealing with measles, malaria and other diseases that were decimating the community. Then they turned their attention to the natural environment.
To raise awareness of the environmental issues confronting the community, the group organized a series of walks through the outlying areas and made a thorough assessment of the state of the natural resources. The PACODET committee then called a public meeting to discuss Pallisa's environmental problems. The meeting was attended by more than 100 villagers. These people were split into smaller groups to spend several hours discussing a specific topic based on the issues identified during the walk. Topics included pesticide use and misuse, decreasing soil fertility, population issues, and encroachment of swamps and forests. Some days later the meeting reconvened to draw up an Action Plan. Ignorance was identified as a major problem. Consequently the Action Plan was mostly devoted to the gathering of information about such things as training opportunities, funding sources and a variety of technologies. Plans were then made to undertake the mapping of the resources in the area, carry out a survey of agricultural practices and find out who was cutting trees and encroaching on the swamps.
Over subsequent months PACODET became more structured, with various subcommittees to take charge of specific interests. Each subcommittee was headed by a man and a woman. As they gathered information and sought assistance from various NGOs and agencies in Uganda, the people became more confident, not just in their dealings with officialdom but also in discussing matters among themselves and with their families. To address their strongly felt need for information, they are building a library/community centre which, in the words of one of the organization's leaders, will become "an inspiring place; we'll use the space in front of it for community meetings; we'll have drama and music, so even the illiterate will gain from it". The people of Kapuwai have come a long way since their region was plundered by civil war and raids!
Abridged from Pye-Smith et al., 1994.
16c. Planning includes identifying measures for monitoring
Pakistan
The Pabbin Sharif Project in Hyderabad, supported by Oxfam, involved the rehabilitation of water courses and mango orchards. The need was identified by the community and the initiative was designed through a participatory process. During this process suitable indicators were identified to be used for ongoing monitoring and evaluation.
16d. Farmers test possible solutions
The Philippines
Understanding problems and searching for solutions are more successful when local people probe in depth the causes of problems. Such diagnosis by villagers can also uncover constraints they perceive in working towards solutions. Villagers' diagnosis of problems is therefore a key step to increasing their involvement in project planning and implementation.
When farmers in the Eastern Visayas region of the Philippines were actively consulted in the classification of soils and crop sequences, they identified for themselves possible solutions for controlling the grass weed Imperata, including experimental testing on their own farms. They also undertook on-farm demonstrations of cultivations of different varieties of legumes. Farmers were more enthusiastic about experimenting with initiatives that lay within their own capacity than with high-input solutions.
As part of the planning process, farmers were asked to list all the factors they connected in any way with the particular agricultural problems the project sought to address. These were then analyzed in the farmers' group and constraints to solutions were identified.
Abridged from FAO, 1987.
16e. Women present their views in photos
Kenya
A large tract of Kenya's semi-arid land, inhabited by Maasai pastoralists, is included in the Elangata Wuas Ecosystem Management Programme. The programme aims at adopting new approaches to the sustainable use of natural resources. In an effort to both increase the ability of women to discuss the issues which are important to them, and to gain insight into their actual problems, the programme decided in 1993 to use a new evaluation technique, which came to be known as photo-appraisal.
During this exercise, small groups of women were asked to discuss the good things and the bad things in their lives, and to take photographs that showed these things. Each group of four women received a disposable camera. After the films had been processed, two sets of prints were made: one for the group and one for the programme. Each group explained to the extension worker why they had taken the particular photos. Then the groups were brought together to discuss the results among themselves. The photos were mounted and the women recorded their comments beside them. The group that, in everybody's view, had best captured the good and bad things, received a small prize. The discussion went from groups of four to groups of 20 women. The women were given prints to take home, which were shown to all visitors. There too, many discussions ensued.
Finally, the best photos were used by the programme in meetings with other women and men. Exhibitions of the photos have since been held in Kenya, Germany, and other countries. Many viewers have been amazed at the quality of the photographs, which were taken by women who held a camera for the first time in their lives. The photographers, who came from a storyteller's culture, understood the possibilities of the new medium merely by looking through the viewfinder and completed the stories told by the photographs with their own comments.
From: Vreede, 1995.
16f. Community support can come...but must be nurtured
Mafia Island, Tanzania
Although creating marine parks within Tanzania was first suggested in 1968, none were established until 1995, with the adoption of legislation declaring Mafia Island a marine park. In 1975 seven relatively small areas had been designated marine reserves, but these were established without prior consultation with local people, who remained ignorant of their exact location. Any attempt to enforce regulations led to conflicts and local resentment. This, coupled with a lack of financial resources and poor legal infrastructure, led to the collapse of the reserves.
In addition to the lack of consultation, local resentment can be attributed to the fact that the reserves removed the right of access to many traditional fishing grounds; the loss of these areas resulted in a loss of livelihood with little or no alternative income from other sources.
Fortunately, it was recognized at an early stage that, for a marine park around Mafia Island to be successful, the local communities had to be involved from the pre-planning phase to the development of a strategy for the implementation and operation of the park management.
With WWF support, a planning exercise with a strong focus on community involvement began in 1991. The process was undertaken in three stages. The first stage involved establishing communication between the proponents of the park and the local resource users through informal discussions about the area and about the needs, hopes and fears of local communities. The second stage brought more formal meetings among village councils, community members and the steering committee. When community members asked "What will the park do for me?" the following reply was given: "What would you want the park to do for you?".
The third stage of the process involved a workshop which brought together local, regional and national governments and NGOs and representatives of the local communities. During the course of the workshop working groups were formed to discuss various aspects of the proposal. Local community members assisted in formulating the zone types, their location and the activities to be allowed. They also identified issues that needed to be addressed to meet community needs. One of the management goals agreed to was the involvement of marine park users, especially Mafia residents, in the planning, development and management of the park. It was also agreed to give priority of resource use and economic opportunities (e.g., for tourist businesses) to Mafia residents.
Unfortunately, at the end of this very successful process there was a gap of years during which there was no follow-up with the community. The gap was caused mainly by delays in passing the necessary legislation and in subsequent organizing activities. Legislation is now in place but there is concern that the long break between consultation and implementation may have undermined the trust, communication and support developed with the community during the planning phase.
Abridged from: Horrill, 1995.
16g. Evaluating microprojects
Madagascar
The VITA-APAM Project is an integrated conservation and development initiative which combines a special reserve area in Anasibe and a national park in Mantadia. In 1993, Volunteers in Technical Assistance (VITA) was chosen as the implementing organization. The project is funded by United States Agency for International Development (USAID).
Before the project team undertook any activities, they carried out a participatory appraisal exercise in the 13 villages located in the peripheral zone of the park. From these exercises, a community plan was jointly developed by the villagers and the team members. This plan is now used by the local people to identify and develop appropriate micro-project activity linked to conservation in the protected area. Each Village Development Committee (VDC) submits its proposals for micro-projects to the management of the conservation initiative for approval. Proposals are evaluated in terms of technical validity, public utility and ecological importance. Decisions on allocations are made in consultation with the VDCs.
16h. Government staff trained to undertake PRA for oastal management
Tanzania
The Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Programme in Tanzania aims to establish integrated management of the region's coastal natural resources. There are 45 villages in the area covered by the programme. Many of the communities along the coastal strip rely on fishing for both subsistence and commercial uses. Mangroves and other wooded areas supply building materials and fuel, and are also cleared for other land uses. Reefs are mined for lime and coral rock. Subsistence agriculture and sisal plantations are important land uses.
An assessment of the possible impact on stakeholders was undertaken as part of preliminary information gathering to establish integrated coastal zone management. To carry out the assessment, 12 government staff from a number of different departments were trained in participatory techniques and data analysis. The information obtained included the following:
Training government staff to do the survey was preferred to using an independent consultant. It took more time but had the advantage of involving government staff with villagers in a positive, interactive way. The information was used to identify the issues to be discussed at a regional workshop.
Abridged from: Shurcliff et al., 1995.
6.17 Collaborative management agreement
See option 1.4.17, Volume 1
17a. Pact defines roles and obligations
Madagascar
For the Ankarafantsika Project (funded and managed by UNESCO) a series of meetings was held among all the stakeholders to discuss their various interests and requirements. The meetings concluded with a pact being signed by the UNESCO project management, the Fokonolona (villagers) and the local forestry agency. The pact clearly defines the roles and obligations of each of the parties in the conservation initiative. The project managers ensures that the necessary technical and financial support is provided. Villagers are to provide the labour and local material requirements, inform the forestry company about forestry offences, and assist the company with controlling the flow of forest products. The forestry company is to provide patrols and enforcement.
17b. From conflict to agreement
Pakistan
In the Pamirs of North Pakistan clashes between local people and government officials emerged following the establishment of the Khunjerab National Park. Initially, the management plan excluded any uses of the park resources besides tourism and wildlife protection. Tremendous local opposition to the park arose when it became apparent that traditional grazing and hunting lands were included within the park boundaries and access to these lands was to be denied to villagers. Compensation for lost grazing rights had been promised but never delivered. Consequently, illegal grazing and poaching in the park became very common; this resulted in a decline of wildlife.
As a result of the escalating conflict, the government recognized it could not impose a "conservation only" park model on the local communities. A negotiator was brought into the area, and eventually an agreement was reached with the villagers, which formed the basis of a new management plan. In the new plan, controlled grazing would be allowed, villagers would be involved in patrolling the park, 80 percent of the new park jobs would go to the local people and, once wildlife stocks increased, the government would consider allowing limited hunting for a fee, with 70 percent of the proceeds going to local people.
Abridged from: Slavin in Kemf, 1993.
17c. Conflict ends in joint agreement
In the Richtersveld area of the Republic of South Africa, the government had been under increasing pressure to establish a national park to protect the area's unique mountainous desert region. Negotiations took place involving the various government departments concerned. Just as a contractual agreement for the park's establishment was about to be ratified, the community of Richtersveld applied for an injunction to prevent it. Their action was a response to inadequate communication between park advocates and the affected parties regarding respective goals and interests. Community members wanted more direct involvement in park planning and decision-making; they felt that they had been misrepresented by the Northern Richtersveld Management Board in the governmental negotiations.
Subsequently, another set of negotiations was conducted involving broader public and community interests. These meetings were facilitated by two botanists who were regarded by all parties as impartial. As a result of these negotiations, community interests were integrated into the park protection goals in the form of a Collaborative Management Plan. In the initial government plan, the responsibility for park management would have been designated to the National Parks Board. In the subsequent negotiations, however, a Management Plan Committee was formed, consisting of four parks board members and four elected community representatives. As a result of the negotiations, all parties signed a Richtersveld National Parks contract. This created the park and established the conditions under which it should be managed.
Abridged from Robinson and Fowkes in Lewis, 1995.
17d. Step-by-step agreements to manage conflicting interests
The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, declared a biosphere reserve by UNESCO, is an isolated mountain range rising from the coast of the Caribbean, with an impressive variety of animal and vegetal species. For centuries, the indigenous inhabitants used resources in ways that were well balanced with the biological capacity for regeneration. These traditional management systems are now in peril, however, because of external pressures, in particular from new migrants who view the Sierra as a refuge and an area where the forest can be clear-cut to obtain land to cultivate. Migrants started using natural resources indiscriminately and introduced a variety of non-endemic species, with consequent ecological disturbances such as soil erosion, changes in the hydrological system, changes in local habitats, etc. The most profitable crops cultivated by the migrants include marijuana and coca, which prompted authorities to spread great quantities of herbicides throughout the area.
Among the most acute social problems is the lack of effective mechanisms to regulate and enforce the management and use of natural resources. Water has been a particularly crucial issue, as the Sierra Nevada's 36 rivers are a water factory for a million and a half people on the mountain and in surrounding areas. Agri-businesses in the plains are also entirely dependent on that water. The stakeholders in the natural resources of the area include four distinct indigenous communities, peasant communities, business people, local municipalities and several armed groups (guerrilla, paramilitary and military). The interests and values of the various parties are in open conflict, and there is a widespread tendency to deal with controversies by violent means.
For a long time, both the environment and people suffered, without much hope of the problems being solved. To redress the situation the Fundacion pro Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta was established. It promoted a strategy for the conservation of local resources that allowed local people to extract lasting benefits from them. The strategy began with an integrated general diagnosis of the problems in the area. It now includes the participatory development of specific agreements through a process of collective analysis and planning. In substance, a collaborative management regime is being developed. The strategy involves strengthening local capacities and awareness via information campaigns, training courses and workshops.
The strategy is coordinated by an executive committee with representation from both governmental and non-governmental bodies. So far, several planning workshops have taken place involving a variety of stakeholders. In the process, valuable limited agreements have been reached, including a national agreement to allow the indigenous communities a corridor of access to the sea, and an agreement to preserve particular areas of forest. Importantly, a great attitudinal change had been achieved, and now people who traditionally have shown reluctance to participate — such as local businessmen and government administrators — have agreed to sit together with representatives of various interests and factions in the local communities and discuss opportunities for sustainable management of the local resources.
17e. Management agreement with bamboo basket-makers
During initial meetings to establish a joint management system for the forest area in Godam — which includes large areas of bamboo — it became apparent that there was considerable conflict between the Bhanjda bamboo basket-makers of Godam and the Haryana Forest Department (HFD). The meetings were spread over five days, during which villagers and HFD field staff discussed and analyzed issues with a support team.
The Bhanjdas are landless and are completely dependent on availability of freshly-cut bamboo to make baskets. Most members of the community are illiterate and have no skills other than basket-making, but since there is a good demand for baskets, they did not see any reason for changing their traditional vocation. The HFD was issuing permits to the Bhanjda families to cut a specific amount of bamboo at certain times of the year but the department's field staff felt the basket makers were violating the conditions. The Bhanjdas disputed this.
During the five-day exercise a general pattern developed: the field staff listened silently to the Bhanjdas in the village, but on returning to their office contradicted most of the Bhanjdas' claims. They insisted that the local people were dishonest. It was clear that the day-to-day conflict between HFD staff and the Bhanjdas had created such a strong barrier that the staff could not step outside their traditional roles to look at the situation from the Bhanjdas' point of view. The Hill Resource Management Society support team, which was charged with establishing a joint management process (see also 46b), repeatedly returned to the village to cross-check the claims and counter-claims of both sides with members of the village community. The team insisted that the HFD staff contradict the Bhajdas' claims in their presence in the village itself instead of coming up with new allegations when they were back in the town.
At the end of the exercise, at a well-attended village meeting, the head HFD field officer himself read out the tentative basis of a Joint Management Agreement between a Management Society of the Bhanjdas and the forest department. The potential agreement immediately created a feeling of optimism among the Bhanjdas and guarded expectation among the HFD staff. The Bhanjda women took an active part in all the discussions and promised to transform the condition of the bamboo forest within three years if HFD honoured its commitments. Seeing the change in the Bhanjdas, the attitudes of the field staff also began to change. Now they are the ones who put pressure on the Hill Resource Management Society support team, hoping to ensure an early follow-up of the commitments made on behalf of the HFD. They have understood that maintaining the changed relationship is dependent on both sides honouring the commitments. The Godam HRMS was formally constituted and registered in early 1990.
Abridged from Sarin, 1993.
17f. Marine park compromise protects local fishing and reserve
The Biosphere Reserve of Mananara Nord includes a 1000-hectare marine park around the Antafana Islands. The international reserve rules forbid any fishing and hunting activities within this protected area. Riverside residents, who were fishing in this area for many years before the project arrived, initially persisted, however, in carrying on their usual fishing activities.
After analyzing the situation and holding discussions with the residents, the project offered them the right to fish some species such as lobsters, turtles and holothuria within the protected area, but only on Tuesdays and Fridays. In return, riverside residents agreed to control non-resident fishermen and prevent them from operating within the protected area.
17g. Municipalities in the drivers seat
An interesting variation on the co-management theme can be found in the partnership between the municipal and federal governments in Brazil's Sao Paulo province. Although most conservation areas in the country are managed by either federal or provincial governments, in 1991 the Brazilian government approved a new initiative by the provincial government of Sao Paulo to create protected areas in most of its 583 municipalities. The local communities select the areas to be conserved as part of their cultural and natural patrimony and they actively participate in the project from conception to implementation. Each municipality decides how and where to manage its natural areas and there is no single model on how any of them should be structured; each area reflects the needs and aspirations of the local population.
From: Barzetti, 1993.
6.18 Collaborative management institutions
18a. Board marries conservation ethic with indigenous traditions
The legally recognized owners of much of Kakadu National Park are the local aboriginal people — bearers of one of the longest continuous cultural traditions on earth. Management arrangements for Kakadu attempt to recognize this cultural heritage and successfully marry a conservation ethic with the traditions and aspirations of the region's aboriginal owners. The presence of a residential aboriginal population in the park was one reason for its nomination as a World Heritage Site in 1992.
Farsightedly, the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act 1975, under which the Kakadu National Park was established, specifically required that parks on aboriginal land establish management boards which include aboriginal representation, and which establish a process for resolving disagreements. This early recognition through legislation of the potential for cooperation with aboriginal people in achieving conservation objectives played an important part in the development of the national park.
The Kakadu Board of Management, established under the Act, was created in 1989. Its membership comprises ten aboriginal nominees (selected by the traditional owners), the director and regional representatives of national parks and wildlife, an ecologist and a person with expertise in tourism. The aboriginal members are representative of the people in the region, and of the major language groups.
The first task of the Kakadu board was to devise a new management plan for the park. As part of the process of developing the plan, an aboriginal consultative committee was established, with representatives of all the communities and groups in the park. The task of this committee was to consult and advise on all aspects of the plan. Park staff and the board provided discussion papers and drafts of the plan to the committee, and the board took due notice of the committee's views. The board was both adviser to the drafters and final arbiter of the contents. Its ongoing role is to make decisions consistent with the management plan, monitor park management and advise on future development. The board meets four times a year to fulfil this responsibility.
While the board provides the formal and ongoing expression of co-management, the backbone of the success of the process is embedded in the opportunities provided for directly involving aboriginal people in day-to-day decision-making and liaison in informal ways. These include local meetings; the employment of aboriginal cultural advisors; working contact with the traditional owners; and the employment of increasing numbers of young aboriginal people in all areas of park management.
Abridged from Hill and Press in Western et al., 1994.
18b. Representation and control create sense of ownership
The Nyaminyami District Council of the Zambezi Valley, Zimbabwe, created the Nyaminyami Wildlife Management Trust (NWMT) to manage its wildlife resources under the CAMPFIRE Programme. With representatives from government, the safari industry, the tourism industry, the academic community and NGOs, the NWMT was intended to represent all groups with an interest in the management of local wildlife resources.
The NWMT was set up as a sub-committee of the District Council with its own constitution. The NWMT set up a Board of Management comprising the representatives of all the interest groups detailed above. The board is responsible for developing and implementing the CAMPFIRE Programme in Nyaminyami. The board holds regular meetings to make specific decisions. These are forwarded to the District Council which, as the body officially in charge, ratifies and implements them.
One of the positive effects brought by the board has been the development of a very transparent conservation initiative. In addition, all the represented stakeholders developed a sense of proprietorship over the programme. Although the programme experienced some serious problems, the board proved to be capable of handling these problems in a very satisfactory manner.
18c. Fraser River Management Board links decision-makers
The Fraser River Action Plan (FRAP) is jointly run and funded by two government agencies: Environment Canada and Fisheries and Oceans. A key vehicle for linking the people who live, work and play around the basin into the action plan is its Management Board, which is a formal partnership arrangement among the federal, provincial, and local governments. First Nation and community stakeholder representatives are also members of the Board.
The plan's links with various levels of government have been found to be useful and educational both for the departments and the initiative. The understanding and acceptance of socio-economic links to the environment are weak in a number of federal departments and the action plan has been influencing them to change the way they will act in the future. Environment Canada's understanding of other government department programmes, perspectives and priorities has also been found lacking and will likely improve.
From: Environment Canada, 1995.
18d. Parochialism hinders agreement
The Management Committee of the Djoudi National Park is comprised of the park manager, the director of the Djoudi Biological Station, three representatives from each village in the park periphery (the chief, a women's representative and a youth group representative), a delegate from the rural council, an agent of the forest department, a member of the association of hotel owners of St. Louis (who use the Djoudi waterways), and the manager of the hotel in Djoudi. This is a new institution and the first meeting has shown that decision-making will be a slow process. Members could not come to an agreement on the choice of an entrepreneur to build a village craft shop at the entrance to the park; each village wanted their own entrepreneur to be selected.
18e. Decision-making, policing of rules and community development managed at village level
In the Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACAP), Conservation and Development Committees (CDCs) are the main institutions responsible for policy and programme formulation related to resource use and conservation. All major decisions on resource utilization in the area are made by the CDCs in consultation with local community members. The responsibilities given to the CDCs include the collection of royalties for harvesting timber or bamboo. They are also responsible for planning, deciding on, executing and managing community development programmes such as drinking water facilities, trail and bridge repair, construction and renovation of schools, establishment and management of health posts, etc.
CDCs are formed at the Village Development Committee (VDC) level, which is a local electoral area. There is one CDC for each VDC and a total of 15 members in each CDC. Of the 15, 11 are democratically elected by the local people. There are three members nominated by the ACAP as follows: one woman, one from a socially disadvantaged group and one active social worker. The chair of the VDC also automatically becomes a member of the CDC.
CDCs meet every month and members discuss and decide matters relating to forest use and conservation, such as setting quotas for timber and fuelwood for each household, opening and closing forest areas for fuelwood collection, deciding on plantation sites, management of natural forest areas, control of hunting and poaching, control of collection of non-timber forest products (such as medicinal plants, bamboo, etc.) and other community programmes.
In all the areas where they have been formed, CDCs have been key in policing the ban on hunting, patrolling forests for illegal felling and poaching, and enforcing a no-fuelwood policy. One of the project's CDCs has been awarded the prestigious J. Paul Getty Award.
18f. The Manu Management Style
Indigenous peoples, together with other local communities in the area, have designed their own management style for Manu National Park in Peru. They formed a support committee composed of 44 representatives of native peoples, NGOs, government institutions and park authorities. This committee is the administrative authority for the park and will eventually make the final decisions concerning education, science and development activities, including native people's use of park resources.
From: Barzetti, 1993.
6.19 Devolving the initiative to local institutions
19a. Steps toward devolution of forest resources
The contiguous Kilum and Ijim Mountain forests constitute a significant portion of the last remnants of the Cameroon mountain forest. The flora and fauna are unique. Over 200,000 people depend on the Kilum/Ijim forests for a wide variety of products, including firewood, building and craft materials, honey, medicinal plants, carving wood, pasture, wild vegetables and bushmeat. The forests play a crucial role in regulating water supplies. Along with adjoining Lake Oku, they also hold great cultural significance for the local people.
Cameroon has recently adopted new forestry legislation which provides for community management of forest resources. The Kilum area presented a promising test case, with a community already practising forest use under an indigenous management system, and existing international projects (managed by Birdlife International) that could support the full devolution of power and responsibility to local people. In preparation for a formal designation of the forest as a "Community Forest" under the management of various user groups, the following procedures were undertaken:
South Africa
Colombia
India
Madagascar
Brazil
See option 1.4.18, Volume 1
Australia
Zimbabwe
Canada
Senegal
Nepal
Peru
See option 1.4.19, Volume 1
Cameroon
19b. Wildlife management delegated to district councils
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe's Parks and Wildlife Act maintains the status of wildlife populations as state property but permits landowners to make use of wildlife within the constraints of sound conservation practices. In this context, landowners are named an "appropriate authority" for wildlife management. A clause of the Act also empowers the Ministry of Natural Resources to give appropriate authority status to those district councils which can demonstrate their ability to manage and conserve wildlife for the benefit of local communities. Such councils can make their own arrangements for the sustainable use of wildlife (e.g., they can lease hunting concessions, enter into commercial joint ventures, etc.) and can receive and distribute any proceeds without channelling them through the national treasury. The Act falls short of attributing appropriate authority status to less senior administrative units (wards or villages) but clears the way for communities to begin exercising some control over the benefits generated from wildlife. By 1990, there were 1.5 million people benefiting from the devolution of authority for the management of wildlife in their districts.
19c. Villagers become forest managers
Tanzania
In East Africa and most other parts of the continent, the protection and conservation of forests has been — in theory — the exclusive preserve of governments and local authorities. In practice this approach has proved impossible to implement. That is because of conflicts with the local communities, who have traditionally exploited the very forest resources which governments seek to protect. Tanzania is now trying out a new approach whereby local communities are given full responsibility for management and ownership of the forests. This is the first time in Africa that local communities are formally recognized by a state as guardians of their indigenous forests. As well as giving full authority over resources, the programme enables local communities to reap the benefits of conservation. District forest wardens, with the support of the Tanzanian director of forestry, offer villagers the chance to completely own the portion of forest that falls within their administrative boundaries. This is conditional on the locals stopping encroachment on the forest, undertaking restoration work to bring the forest to its former condition, and regulating the use of resources to sustainable levels.
Three villages in the Babati district are participating in this initiative. So fast was their response that, within a few weeks of the offer, the villages had demarcated their Village Forest Reserves (VFRs) in the Duru-Haitemba Forest. Planning for the rules and management of the reserves took place at the village and sub-village levels. Extension workers and village leaders met with villagers. Informal 'task forces' — with village contact persons, temporary sub-village committees and other informal groups such as women's groups — were formed for the planning process.
Reports from Tanzania say that in the VFRs forest clearing for cultivation, charcoal-burning, felling and bark stripping has stopped. Grazing of livestock has been limited to certain designated areas and times. The forests are patrolled throughout the day with such success that official patrols are no longer necessary.
The local district council of Babati, together with the villagers, has drafted legislation in the form of a village bylaw to secure the new land use. It was expected that the entire 90-square-km stretch of the Duru-Haitemba Forest would be completely under the conservation management of local communities by the end of 1995. Other regions are seeking to follow suit.
From: Wily, 1995.
19d. Partial devolution is unclear incentive
Nepal
Community forestry in Nepal is implemented by the Department of Forests. As part of the process, users have been helped in preparing working plans to manage their forest and have been encouraged to form registered and constitution-bound entities known as Forest User Groups (FUGs) to legally assume the rights and responsibilities of forest management. Despite occasional and inaccurate perceptions that the FUGs 'own' the forests, both the governing Department of Forests and the forest users themselves are abundantly clear that what they receive through the process is the "right to manage and use to their own benefit" the forests and their products. While there is no evidence that the department would reclaim the forests, many FUGs fear that, in the words of a spokesman for 33 of the groups: "If we do well and make a good forest again, government may take it away, and if we do badly and ruin our forest, government may also take it away". One field worker in the Nepal-UK Community Forestry Project said: "People in forest user groups tell me that they don't know why government is getting them to do its job of management for it. They say if the government gave them back the forest properly it would be better".
Many abhor the idea that community forests would be excluded from the category of national forest or that the state would surrender its ownership, supervision and control over community forests. 'Letting go' is difficult for governments at the best of times; more so for foresters who have traditionally considered the local forest-users as a problem rather than as a solution.
Abridged from Wily, 1994.
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